jun 072013
 

Who better than a good expert in a centrally planned economy could so radically criticize the dominant theories of … free markets? In both cases, the point is to fight dogmas, the intellectual mechanisms pretending to foresee the future on the basis of a “perfect” knowledge of the available data, to reach an ultimate goal, whether communism or the reign of the “free market.” This criticism is ambitiously set out by Roman Frydman and Michael Goldberg in a book recently translated into French (Marchés: la fin des modèles standard) two years after it was first published in the United States (Beyond Mechanical Markets, Princeton University Press, 2011).

Roman Frydman was born in 1948 in Poland. His parents, being Jews, fled from the Nazis to the Soviet Union before returning to their country.

In Warsaw, Roman started out studying physics. He recalls: “My initial interest was in economics and the social sciences. But since the curriculum was based on Marxist ideology, I chose to study mathematics and physics. Moreover, the techniques taught in sciences were considered useful to managing the centrally planned economy.” Much to his surprise, he would be faced with a similar bias in American universities, where “mathematics was used to build macroeconomic models that seemed like an ideal version of the planned economy.”

But, in March 1968, in an attempt to divert the population from the protest movements that were shaking the country, the Polish government launched an anti-Semitic campaign that led to the expulsion of more than 25,000 Jews from public institutions and universities. The police withheld their passports in exchange for a one-way ticket elsewhere. In December 1968, Roman Frydman arrived in New York.

After his undergraduate studies at Cooper Union, whose mission is to welcome poor and deserving students, he earned his master’s degree in applied mathematics from New York University – where he subsequently pursued his career – before earning a master’s degree and a doctorate in economics from Columbia University, where the future Nobel Prize winner Edmund Phelps was then teaching. “In those days, it was still possible to criticize the theory of rational expectations [the possibility of predicting exactly economic agents’ behavior on the basis of their supposed rationally], because it was not yet the dogma that it has become,” says Frydman. “For me, the fundamental reason for the failure of the Soviet planned economy was the impossibility of knowing and precisely predicting economic agents’ behavior. The engine of markets is that no group of actors, not even economists, can predict outcomes! Phelps supported me in my thinking, though he did not hide that to build my career under these auspices would be very difficult …”

In the middle of the 1980’s, at Stanford’s Hoover Institution, Roman Frydman met another Friedman, Milton, also with Jewish European origins and opposed to any state intervention. “But neither Hayek nor he thought that the functioning of markets could be summed up in equations. Friedman even showed empirically that the short-term effects of monetary policy on employment and output were unpredictable.” And yet, “he did not publicly oppose the theory of rational expectations. Strangely, he thus seemed to have made a political choice that was incompatible with his academic stance.”

Meanwhile, Roman Frydman met the financier George Soros, who, as the Berlin wall was falling, hired him to establish the Economics Department at the Central European University that he founded in Budapest to train economists from countries in transition to a market economy. With his “accomplice” Andrzej Rapaczynski, a Polish law professor, Roman Frydman traveled to the former communist countries, drawing up plans for privatization and the construction of markets from Prague to Moscow via Kiev, Bucharest, and Ulan-Bator. But he also pursued his work with Michael Goldberg on a critique of prevailing macroeconomic theory. They even developed an alternative theory inspired by the philosopher Karl Popper – presented in 2007 in the book Imperfect Knowledge Economics (Princeton University Press) – which suddenly became relevant in the midst of a full-scale financial crisis: The unpredictability of events and imperfect knowledge of reality are an integral part of the rationality of market allocation of resources, not hindrances to the market’s proper functioning. It is thus possible to define new tools, described in detail in the last chapter of the book, for state intervention in the markets.

Today, through the Institute for New Economic Thinking, founded in 2009 by George Soros, Roman Frydman and Michael Goldberg are seeking to apply their theory to the problems confronting Western economies. But, in an uncertain and complex world, is it still possible to practice economic “science”? “I hope so,” Frydman says. “But let’s not forget that the first lesson to be learned in economics is to remain modest.”

mei 262013
 

Dirk Bezemer, Steven Brakman en Harry Garretsen over o.a. Hyman Minsky

Terug naar de klassieken

ESSAY HET SLECHTE GEHEUGEN VAN ECONOMEN

De crisis heeft de reputatie van economen geen goed gedaan. Hoe terecht is die kritiek? De beroepsgroep heeft de eigen intellectuele geschiedenis verwaarloosd

Lees hier hele artikel over Hyman Minsky

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mei 202013
 

Documentaire / Eurocrisis

With gripping first-hand accounts from banking insiders, regulators and politicians this film tells the story of two recent multi-billion pound trading disasters that rocked the City. It shows that some bankers are still taking reckless risks, five years after the crash that brought the world’s economy to its knees. Risk is the engine of growth but reckless risk can have catastrophic consequences, especially in volatile times like the turbulent financial world of today. The film charts the thirty-year effort to manage financial risk through mathematical modelling and shows how this can encourage some traders to behave as if they have mastered risk altogether. With Nobel laureate Daniel Kahneman, former JP Morgan executive Bill Winters and regulator Martin Wheatley.

Documentaire / Eurocrisis

mei 182013
 

Manual CastellsThose of you who were readers of the Global Sociology Blog know that I am a strong fan of Manuel Castells (who isn’t). I started reading the book on the left, Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social Movements in The Internet Age. No surprise here, Castells has always emphasized the importance of social movements in the network society as resistance to increasing political and corporate power.

This particular book though is not one of these monumental Weberian treatises that Castells has produced over the last decades. Rather, it is a work of public sociology, aimed at a general audience. The choice of this topic is well in line with Castells’s interest, amplified by his loose involvement with Spanish indignidados movement in response to Spain’s economic collapse and subsequent drastic austerity measures that have devastated society.

Because social movements are always about resistance to some form of power, Castells begins the book by defining this concept, so important in sociology:

Lees hele boekbespreking van Manuel Castells on Power @ The Cranky Sociologist

mei 152013
 

Documentaire / Eurocrisis : Bankers Fixing the System (BBC)

The dramatic inside story of the scandal that ripped through the banking industry in 2012 and took down a banking legend, Bob Diamond. In the first of a new three-part series, bank bosses, regulators and politicians give frank first-hand accounts of how the balance of power has finally started to shift away from the masters of the universe. Ironically, this game-changing crisis erupted over the widespread rigging of an obscure rate-setting mechanism, Libor, rather than over the tumult of the financial crash. Some say it took this latest scandal to expose a profit-at-all-costs cynicism that they believe has corrupted the heart of our banking system; all agree things need to change. Former Barclays chairman Marcus Agius, RBS boss Sir Philip Hampton, deputy governor of the Bank of England Andrew Bailey and Jean-Claude Trichet examine the difficult new dilemmas about what we want and need from our bankers, and whether we can trust them again.

mei 142013
 

EurocrisisMaurizio Lazzarato, The Making of Indebted Man. Los Angeles: Semiotext(e), 2012; 199 pages. ISBN: 978-1584351153.

Review by Nikolay Karkov, Lebanon Valley College

Semiotext(e) has just published a wonderful short book by Maurizio Lazzarato, entitled The Making of Indebted Man. Lazzarato is a key figure in post-operaist Marxism, driven into exile in France after the state-sponsored demolition of Italian Autonomia in the 1970s, where he now resides as an independent sociologist, philosopher, and political theorist. While not as well-known in the English-speaking world as fellow travelers such as Antonio Negri, Paolo Virno and Franco “Bifo” Berardi, Lazzarato develops a highly original “vitalist” autonomist Marxism, whose attentiveness to questions of subjectivity, communication, and the media draws on the work of Gariel Tarde, Mikhail Bakhtin, Michel Foucault, and Deleuze and Guattari, among others. Though various articles and book chapters have been available in translation, The Making of Indebted Man is Lazzarato’s first book-length text to be translated into English. This translation fills a major gap, by not only making accessible an insightful text by a central author of contemporary Italian Marxism, but also by adding another welcome and highly original contribution to the recent critical literature on debt from a leftist perspective.

Central to the text, which reads more like a manifesto than a footnote-heavy monograph, is an examination of the problematic of debt, or, more generally, of what Lazzarato would call the “creditor-debtor relationship.” Lazzarato reads that relationship as both an anthropological invariant (where, following Nietzsche, he suggests that the paradigm of the social lies in credit, rather than exchange or even production), and as a historically specific phenomenon (which, in his reading, defines the neoliberal condition). Still, the book’s focus is on the latter, the historical specificity of the debt and the “debt economy,” which Lazzarato examines in much detail and with impressive insight. In his view, the debt economy has recently absorbed the “new economy,” the knowledge and information economy, or what some on the left have also called “cognitive capitalism.” It is also inseparable from the production of a new subjective figure, that of the “indebted man.” Blurring the divide between workers and the unemployed, consumers and producers, and retirees and welfare recipients, the indebted man cuts a transversal subjective figure that has come to occupy “the entirety of public space.” (7–8)

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mei 122013
 

Many people express objections against child labor, exploitation of the workforce or meat production involving cruelty against animals. At the same time, however, people ignore their own moral standards when acting as market participants, searching for the cheapest electronics, fashion or food. Thus, markets reduce moral concerns. This is the main result of an experiment conducted by economists from the Universities of Bonn and Bamberg. The results are presented in the latest issue of the renowned journal Science.

Prof. Dr. Armin Falk from the University of Bonn and Prof. Dr. Nora Szech from the University of Bamberg, both economists, have shown in an experiment that markets erode moral concerns. In comparison to non-market decisions, moral standards are significantly lower if people participate in markets.

In markets, people ignore their individual moral standards

“Our results show that market participants violate their own moral standards,” says Prof. Falk. In a number of different experiments, several hundred subjects were confronted with the moral decision between receiving a monetary amount and killing a mouse versus saving the life of a mouse and foregoing the monetary amount. “It is important to understand what role markets and other institutions play in moral decision making. This is a question economists have to deal with,” says Prof. Szech.

“To study immoral outcomes, we studied whether people are willing to harm a third party in exchange to receiving money. Harming others in an intentional and unjustified way is typically considered unethical,” says Prof. Falk. The animals involved in the study were so-called “surplus mice”, raised in laboratories outside Germany. These mice are no longer needed for research purposes. Without the experiment, they would have all been killed. As a consequence of the study many hundreds of young mice that would otherwise all have died were saved. If a subject decided to save a mouse, the experimenters bought the animal. The saved mice are perfectly healthy and live under best possible lab conditions and medical care.

Simple bilateral markets affect moral decisions

A subgroup of subjects decided between life and money in a non-market decision context (individual condition). This condition allows for eliciting moral standards held by individuals. The condition was compared to two market conditions in which either only one buyer and one seller (bilateral market) or a larger number of buyers and sellers (multilateral market) could trade with each other. If a market offer was accepted a trade was completed, resulting in the death of a mouse. Compared to the individual condition, a significantly higher number of subjects were willing to accept the killing of a mouse in both market conditions. This is the main result of the study. Thus markets result in an erosion of moral values. “In markets, people face several mechanisms that may lower their feelings of guilt and responsibility,” explains Nora Szech. In market situations, people focus on competition and profits rather than on moral concerns. Guilt can be shared with other traders. In addition, people see that others violate moral norms as well.

“If I don’t buy or sell, someone else will.”

In addition, in markets with many buyers and sellers, subjects may justify their behavior by stressing that their impact on outcomes is negligible. “This logic is a general characteristic of markets,” says Prof. Falk. Excuses or justifications appeal to the saying, “If I don’t buy or sell now, someone else will.” For morally neutral goods, however, such effects are of minor importance. Nora Szech explains: “For goods without moral relevance, differences in decisions between the individual and the market conditions are small. The reason is simply that in such cases the need to share guilt or excuse behavior is absent.”